Peter Magyar was sworn in as Hungary's new prime minister on Saturday, marking a decisive break from the 16-year rule of Viktor Orbán and signalling an immediate drive to dismantle the institutional network his predecessor had built to entrench his hold on power. Magyar, 45, leads the centre-right Tisza party, which swept Orbán's Fidesz from power in a landslide election victory last month. In his inaugural address, he pledged not to rule Hungary but to "serve" it — through reconciliation, democratic renewal, and a rewriting of the constitutional system to ensure that such a concentration of power "can never happen again."

In his first speech to parliament, Magyar set a tone that was both conciliatory toward citizens and confrontational toward the outgoing establishment. He apologised to those marginalised and maligned under Orbán's government, and he promised to restore judicial independence, return autonomy to local governments and universities, and end state controls over the media. He also announced plans to limit a prime minister to two terms — and to apply that rule retroactively to Orbán himself. Then he turned to those still occupying positions of power: he called on President Tamas Salyok and a string of other Orbán-appointed figures in judicial and oversight bodies to resign by 31 May. "It's time to leave with some dignity, while it's possible," Magyar said.

The new government's reach was already being felt beyond Hungary's borders. Within 36 hours of Magyar's swearing-in, Poland's former justice minister Zbigniew Ziobro confirmed he had left the country for the United States. Ziobro had been granted asylum in Hungary under Orbán after facing charges in Poland including abuse of power, leading an organised criminal group, and allegedly diverting public funds to purchase surveillance spyware. Hungarian media had also reported that several former Orbán associates had begun moving assets out of the country ahead of Magyar's inauguration, fearing a crackdown on corruption.

Analysts note, however, that the path ahead is far from straightforward. Many of the figures Magyar is targeting have no legal obligation to resign, and constitutional amendments may be required to remove them from office. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh of the German Marshall Fund observed that the system Orbán built to secure his rule has already begun to fracture — partly because it was premised on the belief that he was undefeatable, a belief the April election shattered. Observers also point to Magyar's apparent sense of urgency; the tight deadline he has set suggests his party has a clear roadmap prepared for the legal battles likely to follow.

Why this matters: Hungary's trajectory under Orbán had drawn sustained criticism within the European Union over democratic backsliding, press freedom, and judicial independence. Magyar's ascent — and his early moves to repair relations with EU-aligned partners, including Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk — signals a potential realignment not only within Hungary but within the Visegrád group, the eastern European alliance comprising Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, whose cohesion had been strained by Orbán's pro-Russia stance. Whether Magyar can translate his electoral mandate into durable institutional reform will be closely watched across the region.