Péter Magyar, Hungary's prime minister, has marked his first 100 days in office with a sweeping and rapid dismantling of the political infrastructure built by his predecessor Viktor Orbán over 16 years. From state media to the judiciary to the presidency, few corners of what Magyar has called the Orbán "system" have been left untouched — and the pace of change has surprised even seasoned observers of Hungarian politics.

Among the most dramatic moves was the suspension of news broadcasts on M1, the state broadcaster, which Magyar halted in early July until, he said, independent journalism could be guaranteed. Editorial leadership was replaced, a subsidy scheme for pro-government print media was abolished, and advertising contracts with ESMA — the billboard company that had carried Orbán's campaign material for years — were cancelled. In the courts, Constitutional Court judge Csaba Hende, who had spent 20 years as a Fidesz member of parliament before his appointment, was removed from his post. A new anti-corruption office has been established to investigate and recover misappropriated funds from the Orbán era. On the European stage, the results are already tangible: nearly €20 billion in previously frozen EU funds have been released following the abolition of Orbán-linked foundations. Hungary also dropped its veto on Ukraine's EU accession path, though not without friction.

The most symbolically charged step came with the removal of President Tamás Sulyok, a close Orbán ally, whose mandate was ended early through a constitutional amendment passed by Magyar's Tisza party. Sulyok protested but ultimately signed the change into law. His replacement, András Baka — a jurist who served 16 years as a judge at the European Court of Human Rights and was himself removed from Hungary's Supreme Court in 2011 after criticising Orbán's judicial reforms as a "covert purge" — was elected in early August. In his inaugural address, Baka warned that no party must ever again be allowed to capture the state.

Yet the speed and method of these changes have attracted serious criticism. Amnesty International Hungary and Human Rights Watch have raised rule-of-law concerns, arguing that dismantling an authoritarian system through accelerated majority votes, tailor-made constitutional amendments, and rushed personnel decisions raises its own democratic red flags. Magyar's Tisza party holds 141 of 199 parliamentary seats — a so-called supermajority — won with 53 percent of the vote under an electoral system designed by Orbán to favour large parties. Whether Magyar will reform that same system is considered a key test of his intentions; he has announced a national debate on an entirely new constitution for September. He has also capped the prime ministerial term at eight years, a rule that applies retroactively — preventing an Orbán return — but also to himself.

For ordinary Hungarians, the mood is shifting subtly. Approval of Magyar as a suitable prime minister fell from 72 percent in May to 62 percent by late July, as voters who were promised reforms to healthcare and education — a crumbling system where some hospitals reportedly cannot afford basic supplies and medical workers have emigrated to Austria and Germany in large numbers — grow impatient for tangible improvements in daily life. Two unresolved questions loom: Magyar has been ambiguous on LGBTQ+ rights, leaving a law banning LGBTQ+ content in children's media in place despite EU pressure, and his position on Ukraine's EU membership remains cautious. Experts remain broadly optimistic, but acknowledge that the harder, slower work of rebuilding democratic institutions — and restoring trust — has barely begun.